Patriotism

Lore & Background

The English word 'patriot' derived from 'compatriot' in the 1590s, from Middle French *patriote* in the 15th century, ultimately from Greek *patriotes*, meaning "fellow countryman," itself from *patris* ("fatherland"). Originally, the term applied to any fellow countryman regardless of socio-economic status, and was even used for barbarians perceived as uncivilized who shared only a common fatherland. In the 19th century, patriotism and nationalism shared similar meanings but gradually diverged, with nationalism gaining a more negative connotation. George Orwell distinguished patriotism as devotion to a particular place and way of life, defensive in nature, while nationalism is inseparable from the desire for power. An excess of patriotism is called chauvinism or jingoism. Historically, Enlightenment thinkers like Jean-Jacques Rousseau promoted loyalty to the state over loyalty to the Church, arguing clerics should not teach in public schools as their allegiance was to heaven. Samuel Johnson criticized false patriotism in his 1774 work *The Patriot*, famously stating that "Patriotism is the last refuge of the scoundrel." Patriotism often involves pride in a shared common culture, which many believe is central to national identity, though some civic forms de-emphasize ethnic culture in favor of shared political culture. It may be strengthened by adherence to a national religion, opposing the Enlightenment ideal of church-state separation. Philosophers note that patriotism implies robust obligations to compatriots and only minimal samaritan responsibilities to foreigners. Critics such as Voltaire lamented that being a good patriot often requires becoming the enemy of the rest of mankind, while Arthur Schopenhauer considered national pride the cheapest sort, arguing it indicates a lack of personal qualities.

Reader's Guide

Patriotism has been a central concept in political philosophy and cultural identity. Enlightenment thinkers like Jean-Jacques Rousseau promoted loyalty to the state over loyalty to the Church, while Samuel Johnson criticized false patriotism. The term has been opposed by figures such as Voltaire, Arthur Schopenhauer, anarchist Kōtoku Shūsui, and Emma Goldman, who argued it dehumanizes others and fosters militarism. Marxists have taken varied stances, from Karl Marx's 'working men have no country' to socialist patriotism in Marxist-Leninist theory. Surveys, such as the World Values Survey and Pew Research Center polls, have measured national pride across countries, showing fluctuating levels over time. The distinction between patriotism and nationalism remains debated, with some scholars like Christopher Heath Wellman using 'patriotist' to refer to obligations to territorial political units.

Did You Know?

• An excess of patriotism is called chauvinism or jingoism.
• George Orwell defined patriotism as defensive and nationalism as tied to the desire for power.

Roots in a Fractured Nation

The intellectual seed of constitutional patriotism took root in the devastated landscape of post-war West Germany, a polity often described as a 'half-nation' whose sense of national identity had been deeply compromised by the shadow of the Nazi era. In this context, the idea emerged as a protective, state-centered strategy for confronting the memory of the Holocaust and the militancy of the Third Reich without relying on ethnic or cultural narratives. Sternberger framed the concept as a shield for political stability and peace, linking it to the idea of militant democracy. Drawing on Aristotelian thought, he argued that patriotism had never been inherently tied to national sentiment. The concept grew out of his earlier idea of Staatsfreundschaft, or friendship toward the state, positioning loyalty to democratic institutions as the proper object of civic devotion rather than blood or soil.

Habermas and the Public Sphere

Jürgen Habermas transformed constitutional patriotism from a German-specific remedy into a broader philosophical framework, and he played the central role in carrying the idea into English-language academic discourse. Where Sternberger had anchored loyalty in democratic institutions worthy of defense, Habermas shifted the emphasis to the public sphere as the arena where citizens engage in collective reasoning. The late-1980s historian's dispute in Germany sharpened his argument: he resisted any attempt to normalize the rise of Nazism and the Holocaust as merely 'exceptional historical events,' and he saw constitutional patriotism as the means to unify West Germans without retreating into traditional national pride. He urged a move away from ethnically homogeneous nation-states, framing the concept as both an advance toward and a step beyond traditional German nationalism. For Habermas, post-national identity required confronting the past and subjecting inherited traditions to ongoing criticism. He regarded nineteenth-century ethnic cohesion as obsolete in an era of global migration and argued that modern societies must ground their legitimacy not in consensus on fixed values but in shared agreement on the procedures for enacting laws and exercising power.

A Contested Spectrum of Meaning

Constitutional patriotism resists a single, fixed definition, and theorists have placed it at various points along a wide interpretive spectrum. At one extreme, it functions as a novel form of identification directed toward a supranational entity; at the other, it is understood primarily as a commitment to freedom that supersedes ethnic belonging. A central and unresolved question is whether the concept is meant to replace traditional national identity outright or to serve as a counterweight that balances it, thereby offering what scholars call a 'transient account of identity' suited to the diversity, hybridity, and pluralism of the modern world. Another point of contention involves the sequence of identity formation: some theorists insist that a prior group identity must exist before a citizen can achieve a moral or political one, while others reject that prerequisite. Proponents argue the framework is more defensible than alternative forms of shared commitment in a state where multiple languages and cultural identities coexist. In essence, the theory attempts to re-conceptualize group identity by redefining citizenship as a loyalty that extends beyond any individual's ethnocultural background, making it especially relevant in post-national democracies where no single cultural narrative can claim to represent the whole.

European Ambitions and Contemporary Debates

The practical reach of constitutional patriotism extends well beyond German philosophy, most visibly in the institutional architecture of the European Union. The concept served as a foundational principle for Europeanism, providing a philosophical justification for multiple sovereign nations to belong to a single supranational union without surrendering their distinct cultural identities. In contemporary scholarship, the theory continues to evolve and generate debate. Jan-Werner Müller builds on Habermas's groundwork while attempting to broaden the framework into a more universal structure applicable beyond the European context. Craig Calhoun, by contrast, offers a competing lens rooted in cosmopolitanism, challenging the assumption that constitutional attachment must remain the primary vehicle for political solidarity. Jon Erik Fossum takes a mediating position, arguing that the tension between Müller's broadened constitutionalism and Calhoun's cosmopolitanism is not a flaw but an inherent dynamic within constitutional patriotism itself. Together, these voices illustrate that the concept remains a living, contested framework rather than a settled doctrine, continuing to shape how diverse democracies think about the basis of political belonging.