Democracy in America
A French study of American democracy and its social effects.
Tocqueville and Beaumont were sent by the French government in 1831 to study the American prison system, but Tocqueville later indicated they used this mission as a pretext to study American society. They arrived in New York City in May and spent nine months traveling the United States, collecting information on its religious, political, and economic character, and briefly visiting Lower and Upper Canada. After returning to France in 1832, they submitted their report on the penitentiary system, and Tocqueville eventually expanded this work into *Democracy in America*, published in two volumes in 1835 and 1840. In the book, Tocqueville examines a democratic revolution he believed had been unfolding over seven hundred years, characterized by increasing social and economic equality. He traces this development to factors such as open access to the clergy, economic opportunities from trade, the sale of noble titles, and the abolition of primogeniture. Tocqueville describes this revolution as a "providential fact," though scholars note he did not consider democracy inevitable but found equality more just. He argues that a new political science is needed to instruct democracy, regulate its movements, and adapt its government to circumstances. The work uses the United States as a case study, highlighting the Puritan founding as the "seed" of democratic social equality, the importance of mores over the federal constitution in protecting freedom, and the concept of the tyranny of the majority. Tocqueville also critically examines the costs of social mobility, including moral and spiritual effects, and was among the first social critics to analyze the situation of American women, identifying distinct spheres of action for the sexes.
- author
- Alexis de Tocqueville
- field
- Political philosophy, sociology
- nationality
- French
- known_for
- Analysis of democracy and equality in America
Lore & Background
In later letters, Tocqueville indicated that they used this official business as a pretext to study American society. They also briefly visited Lower Canada and Upper Canada. Tocqueville eventually extrapolated this work into *Democracy in America*, published in two volumes, the first in 1835 and the second in 1840. The book examines the democratic revolution Tocqueville believed had been unfolding over several centuries, tracing it to factors such as the abolition of primogeniture, the growth of trade, and the royal sale of noble titles. He viewed this shift toward equality as a providential fact but did not accept democracy as inevitable, considering equality more just. The work holds a critical lens to early 19th-century U.S. socioeconomic affairs, noting the influence of Puritan religious history and American government on an entrepreneurial, egalitarian culture. Tocqueville also criticizes the moral, spiritual, and interpersonal costs of a society organized around social mobility and restlessness. He believed the Puritans established the U.S. democratic social state of equality and contributed a synthesis of religion and political liberty. While praising the U.S. Constitution, he argued that American mores, or "habits of mind," play a more prominent role in protecting freedom than laws or circumstances. The book has dramatically impacted American and Western thought, especially in history, political science, and the social sciences.
Reader's Guide
Tocqueville's work examines the democratic revolution he saw as a 'providential fact' and an 'irresistible revolution,' though some critics note determinism in the book. Based on his correspondences, Marvin Zetterbaum concluded that Tocqueville never accepted democracy as determined or inevitable, but considered equality more just. Tocqueville believed a 'new political science' was needed to instruct democracy and regulate its movements. The book's ambiguous use of 'democracy'—applying it to representative government, universal suffrage, or majority-based governance—has strongly associated the notion of democracy with the American system. Tocqueville's analysis covers Puritan founding, federal constitution, tyranny of the majority, religion, individualism, associations, and the situation of women, identifying the concept of separate spheres. The work's significance lies in its lasting influence on political thought and its role in shaping the democratic image of the United States and other Western countries.
Did You Know?
- Tocqueville and Beaumont used their official prison study as a pretext to study American society.
- Tocqueville believed the Puritans established the U.S. democratic social state of equality.
- He was one of the first social critics to examine the situation of U.S. women and identify separate spheres.
- The book's title strongly associated the notion of democracy with the American system and representative government.
Frequently Asked Questions
Who wrote Democracy in America?
Alexis de Tocqueville, a French political philosopher and sociologist, authored the work. His outsider perspective as a European observer gave the analysis a distinctive comparative edge.
What is Democracy in America actually about?
It uses the United States as a case study to trace the democratic revolution Tocqueville believed had been unfolding over the preceding centuries. The book focuses on how the spread of equality reshapes institutions, social bonds, and individual identity.
Why is Democracy in America considered so important?
It has had a dramatic and lasting impact on American and broader Western thought, especially in the fields of history, political science, and the social sciences. It remains a foundational text for anyone studying democratic governance and its social consequences.
What field does Democracy in America belong to?
The work sits at the intersection of political philosophy and sociology, blending philosophical argument with close empirical observation of American social structures.
What is Tocqueville's central argument in the book?
He contends that the march toward equality is an irreversible historical force and that democratic societies must deliberately cultivate civic engagement and robust institutions to guard against the isolation and majority tyranny that equality can produce.
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